Beyond the frontiers of national security
Kofi Bentum Quantson
Jun 2008
In this paper the author points out that Security is a fundamental pre-requisite for the survival of human kind and should be regarded as the elixir that sustains the stability of society. Without that stabilising factor there can be no progress. In his view any society that cannot develop and progress could stagnate into an awfully dangerous mess tat could, over time implode of explode. The author examines the importance of Security to national well-being and survival and concludes that by stressing that since security is a pre-requisite for the survival of a nation it should be accorded the needed attention in a people-centered manner. ...
Kwesi Jonah
Oct 2003
This paper attempts to analyse the social structure of the District Assemblies created by the District Assembly Elections of 2002. The Upper East Region of Ghana, which is the poorest region in the country, is the focus of the study. The analysis is situated against the background of the social, economic and political conditions of the region at the time of the District Assembly Elections of 2002. It was discovered in the study that some 61% of the 270 people who were elected to the District Assemblies were mainly teachers and farmers, and that out of thirty-five women candidates only seventeen, or 48.55% were successful. In addition, only one out of ten disabled candidates was able to make it to the Assembly. The Assemblies created by the Election of 2002, therefore, are predominantly constituted by able-bodied male teachers and farmers. Both society and Government have a major responsibility to ensure that more women get elected in future elections, to ensure their full and free participation in Ghana's democratic political system. ...
Dr. Cyril K. Daddieh
Jul 2003
The paper argues that Ghana has made significant strides in providing access to quality education at all levels of the educational system since independence. However, as the demand for education skyrocketed and the Ghanaian economy went into a tailspin in the late 1970s and 1980s, Ghanaian governments struggled to sustain an adequate level of funding to permit continued access and maintain academic excellence.Thus, access, funding and quality became core issues for the various stakeholders to address. The education reforms of the 1980s attempted to tackle these and other problems plaguing the system. However, the gender dimension to these issues, especially as they relate to the tertiary sector, was not given sufficient attention. The paper highlights the constraints to women's access and achievements or performance in Ghanaian higher education, offers a critique of some of the remedies that have been proposed or tried and identifies critical ares that deserve focused attention, such as sexual harrassment, HIV/AIDS on Ghanaian campuses and gender streaming into disciplines that prepare women for traditional low-paid female professions. ...
Hon. Kwamena Ahwol
Jul 2002
This special Occasional Paper contains the full text of an address by Hon. Kwamena Ahwoi, the then Minister for Local Government and Rural Development, now Minister for Planning and Regional Economic Cooperation and Integration. The paper reviews local government structure over a ten-year period (1989-1999). It gives a broad overview of the District Assembly system, the main features of the decentralisation programme and the achievements of the programme in the following areas: Political Development Administration Decentralized planning Fiscal and Decentralized Management of Public-Private Partnerships. It is the author's view that to enhance the decentralisation programme, certain problems and constraints ought to be confronted including the Unsettled district boundaries leading to several disputes; The debate over the "non-partisan" local government system subsisting under a partisan central government; The difficulties in managing the power balance between the MP and the DCE; and The administration of the District Assembly Common Fund (DACF). The author makes a few suggestions and defends the dual role of the DCE as the head of a decentralised District Assembly and at the same time the representative of Central Government. ...
Jul 2002
No one understands completely why economies grow and no one has a magic formula for inducing growth. In this paper, Dr. Joe Amoako- Tuffour looks at the forces that economists believe underlie growth with an eye toward what public and private institutions can do to make growth possible, especially for economies seeking new directions. The conclusions are simple. Growth is not an accidental process. It can occur in a variety of settings provided economies (1) identify their core competencies (what they are capable of doing). and (2) develop public policies to build on those competencies and to support those directions Political instability is bad for growth. High and volatile inflation, lack of internal social cohesion, arbitrary rule of law, and a big, greedy government that do not hold taxes down are just as bad for economic growth. But government actions and the provision of institutions that maintain the rule of law, secure rights of private property and enforce rights of contract all encourage investment and enterprise. The intangibles such as societal values, group reputation, work ethic, culture and temperament of citizens do matter. Savings and capital accumulation do matter greatly. But they must be aided by technological improvements. That is not new. What is new is that technological improvements come about through learning-by-doing, imitation and invention, all of which are made possible through the quest for ideas and accumulation of knowledge through research and investment in human capital. For poor economies seeking new directions, the search for a path of growth must point to directions (1) that enable the economy to provide for basic human needs- food security, good general health system, reliable and affordable supplies of energy resources- and (2) that build economic organizations and institutions that stimulate and support growth, and protect as well as reward beneficial private Initiatives and enterprise. Besides the provision of economic infrastructure, government policy matters in so far as industry policy affects investment levels and also affects opportunities for investment through company laws, regulation, and taxes. Government should be able to use social and economic policies to motivate and to complement private sector initiatives and to foster individual opportunities to spur growth. Government efforts as a national policy in these directions should be seen as one of the very few efficient and effective instruments of economic intervention. ...
Jul 2001
This Occasional Paper by Dr. Cyril Daddieh discusses the controversial issue of food aid which in the view of the World Bank and the World Food Programme is "an important and undervalued resource for development in Africa". The discussion, interestingly, includes the entry of some former food aid recipient African countries into the food aid delivery system through a number of innovative arrangements. At the heart of the debate is the impact of food aid on the health of African economies. Appropriately, therefore, the paper includes four case studies-Lesotho, Tanzania, Benin and Senegal - by scholars of the subject. In the conclusion the author states that although food aid has the potential to create disincentive effects, these can be mediated by appropriate government intervention. Accordingly he advocates integration of food aid with a holistic food and agricultural strategy. In the earlier pages, reference is made to the growing literature on food aid which, however, is concentrated on Asia and Latin America rather than Africa. This paper will go some way to redress the imbalance. ...
Indigenous Knowledge Systems And Good Governance in Ghana: The Traditional Akan Socio-Political Example
Martin Odei Ajei
Jul 2001
This paper explores the relationship between aspects of indigenous African political culture and the quest for appropriate principles and practices for Africa's political future. Its main thesis is that some political values of traditional Akan society are relevant to our contemporary lives and should, therefore, be adapted and integrated into strategies for better governance in the modern setting. This claim rests on the premise that some features of traditional culture can play an essential role in the search for enduring and workable solutions to Africa's socio-political and economic problems. Towards justification for this thesis, the paper examines some works which deny the relevance of traditional systems for the political future of the continent, and refutes their arguments. The paper explores the meaning of the concept of democracy and contends that significant features of traditional political thought and practice meet its tenets. Next the writer scans the constitutional history of Ghana, and deploys the views of some prominent political figures to highlight aspects of post-independence governance that conform to traditional principles. Finally, Ajei outlines some favorable implications of adopting traditional values into national governance, and advocates a national referendum to decide on whether, and how these traditional principles and structures should influence the unfolding of Ghana's constitutional democracy. ...
The Protected Public Interest Disclosure Bill, 2001
Jul 2001
The purpose of this Bill is to provide for the manner in which indirVidualsmay in the public interest disclose information that relates to unlawful, corrupt or other illegal conduct or practices of others in the society and to ensure that the persons who make the disclosures are not subjected to victimisation. ...
Prof. Bartholomew K. Armah
Jun 2001
This paper analyzes the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries' Initiative (HIPC) with a focus on the experiences of countries such as Uganda and Bolivia that have had the most experience with the program. It was written at a time when Ghana was considering the relative merits of being a party to the Initiative. The HIPC Initiative has fuelled considerable debate regarding the extent to which it can contribute to a meaningful reduction in the debt of developing countries. One aspect of the debate has focused on the need for total debt cancellation as opposed to sustainable debt reduction. Proponents of debt cancellation argue that mere debt reduction cannot bring lasting relief from the yoke of indebtedness; the creditor countries on their part have resisted such calls largely on financial grounds. Another aspect of the debate takes debt reduction as a point of departure but then questions the criteria for determining the optimum amount of debt reduction required to bring "sustainable relief." Ultimately the pressures for debt cancellation vis a vis sustainable debt relief culminated in a compromise debt initiative called the Enhanced HIPC Initiative. This Initiative relaxes some of the debt relief eligibility requirements and provides relatively more debt relief to participating countries than the original HIPC Initiative does. On the assumption of power in 2001 the newly-elected government, headed by President John Agyekum Kufuor, inherited an economy saddled with mounting debts, rising inflation, and unsustainable deficits. Meanwhile, the country was eligible for debt relief through the Enhanced HIPC Initiative. However, the Japanese government had threatened to withhold additional loans to Ghana if the country opted to join the HIPC Initiative. To the extent that Japan was the largest of Ghana's bilateral donors, this threat was taken very seriously. The choices were clear: join HIPC to ease the tight fiscal position of government, or refuse to join and depend on more domestic borrowing and loans from a few sympathetic donors. It was against this backdrop that this paper was written. It spells out the merits and demerits of the Enhanced HIPC Initiative based on the experiences of participating countries, and offers recommendations to policy makers. It concludes that the government should opt for HIPC, but learn from the experiences of participating countries, to minimize the potential pitfalls of the Initiative. ...
Civilian control and the security sector
Dr. Emmanuel Kwesi Aning
Jan 2001
Ghana has gone through a democratic transition and consolidation, which in several ways reflects the struggles for democratic accountability, transparency and sustainability, with broad support from different sections of the community. These conform to the general developments in the 1980s and 1990s which seem to indicate that the role of the military in politics is becoming less prominent. Yet, even with the change in regimes, it cannot be taken for granted that the military will automatically obey civilian leaders. As a result, there is the need to think through the important issue of how democratic governance and civilian control of the military can be encouraged as a means of embedding the gains of democratic governance. Not only that; as Ghana has also become one of the most aid-dependent and aid-recipient states in the world, civilian control of the military (tied in to security sector reform in the broad sense) has taken on special significance as one of the measures of progress towards democracy employed by the industrialised world. In both post-conflict situations and transition democracies, civilian control of the military and the subordination of the military to political authority can be problematic. Given that the military enjoys an overwhelming advantage in coercive power, the critical question that underlies this position paper's argument is how can civilian institutions impose their will on their more powerful military agents? ...